Posts Tagged ‘Sufis’

Tariqa Tayebiyya Sammaniyya – Omaidan

September 30, 2011

Sufism in the Sudan

The central message of the Sufis all over the world is to strive to attain perfection. To the great Persian Sufi poet Jalal Din Rumi “the temporal soul is in prison, and it remains there as long as it is on the earthly plane”. So the Sufi sheikhs’ message rests on the idea that they want, with the grace of Allah, to help the murid to release himself from the shackles and chains of imprisonment in order to respond to the yearning for spiritual attainment.

Sufism was first introduced in Sudan, in the 16th century, by Sheikh Taj Eldin El.Bahari, a member of the Qadirryyia Sufi order based inBaghdad. Islam inSudan is dominated by the Sufi Orders, which have deeply penetrated the country since the era which came to be known as theSennarState. Historians state that the spread of Islamic teachings inSudan owed its impetus to the Sufi sheikhs who came from the Islamic heartlands ofHejaz,Egypt,Yemen andMorocco. The coming of those holy men was during the time of theFunjKingdom.

Through the tolerance, simplicity and peaceful means which distinguish their doctrine, Sufis sheikhs have successfully attracted many natives to the fold of Islam. Sufi orders inSudandraw their supporters and followers from all walks of life; tribal leaders, religious teachers, merchants, farmers, qadis, and even governmental officials have all been initiated in the Sufi tariqas. Tariqa, an Arabic term for the spiritual path, especially in the sense of a method of spiritual practice, is often embodied in a social organization and tradition known as a Sufi order.

Because of its well-known tolerance, the Sufi tradition opened the way for many pre-Islamic practices to reappear in an Islamic form. In this regard the Qadiriyya tariqa which is supposed to be, by some historians, the first Sufi tariqa in Sudan, built its doctrines upon local practices and traditions and won the support and the allegiance of many Sudanese, becoming the most popular and widespread order in the country. Sufism inSudanis a deep rooted force that has shaped, and continues to shape, the Sudanese society as a whole. In a country with diverse cultures and beliefs, Sufism casts a spell of moderation over the whole country. The introduction of Sufi orders into the country has led to the creation of some distinctive features of Sudanese Muslim culture, and, since it represents the popular version of Islam in the country, Sufism has come to be the main aspect of social consciousness as well as a significant unifying force throughout the different epochs of Sudanese history.

      Historically, Sufis inSudanwere always accused of passiveness by certain circles, specifically when the situation related to politics and the ruling group. To refute this accusation they (the Sufis) expressed their views in their writing to affirm the fact that politics ought not to be an END but A MEANS to serve all people irrespective of their race, color, and political affiliation. Throughout the history of Sudanese politics, Sufi sheikhs have enjoyed and continue to enjoy good ties with all the political systems- both military and democratic ones. The Sufis have been revered by rulers both in the past and the present day, and are favoured by them. Sufism and Sufis are the plasma for the unity that overcomes the principles which divide humanity on the bases of religion, class, tribe and political affiliation. Sufism reaches beyond egocentrism, ethnocentrism and competitive materialism. 

2- Sammaniyya inSudan

       The Sammaniyya tariqa arrived in Sudanin the second half of the 18th century. This tariqa was named after its founder, master Sheikh Mohammad Ibn Abdul Karim As-Samman{1133-1189A.H-1739-1775 A.C}.The lineage of Sheikh As-Samman shows he was a descendant of Sayyidi Abu-Baker al-Sidiq, the first man on earth to believe in the message of Islam. In the Sufi path Sheikh As-amman was a student of  master Sheikh Mustafa – Ibn Kamal Din al-Bakri, the founder of the Khalwatiyya tariqa. Moreover, he was initiated into the Gadiriya tariqa at the hand of Sheikh Mohammad Tahir al-Kurdi.

        The Sammaniyya tariqa was brought to Sudan by the renowned –mugadid- master Sheikh Ahmed Ateyyib Wad al.Bashir {1155-1742/3 -1239-1824 AH} who had been initiated by As-Samman himself while on pilgrimage to Median, the home of the prophet Mohammed (Pbuh). He had been initiated into five tariqas, among these the most famous one was the Qadiriyya. It was stated that he was very concerned with spreading the Qadiriyya teachings after spending seven years with his sheikh, the gnostic –alarif- As-Samman. During his time there Sheikh Ahmed Ateyyib had studied different types of Islamic and Arabic sciences. Upon his arrival from the Hejaz, master Sheikh Ahmed Ateyyib settled in Um-marih-40km north of Omdurman-a place from which he started to teach and to initiate people into the Sufi path, according to the tenets and principles of the Sheikh As-amman. His tariqa gained wide popularity especially in the Gezira area, where the new teachings of Sammaniyya attracted many of the Gadiriyya sheikhs to the new style of the tariqa. Also, the personality of master Sheikh Ahmed Ateyyib had really impressed many previous Qadiri sheikhs, drawing them to the fold of Sammaniyya. Among the famous Qadiri sheikhs who came to be initiated into Sammaniyya were Sheikh Ahmed al.Basir (d.1829), Sheikh Mohammad Tom wad Bannaqa (d.1851) and master Sheikh al.Gurashi wad Azain (d.1878). The latter was a student of master Sheikh al. Basir and later came to be the teacher of the Imam al.Mahdi. Through the coming of the Sammaniyya tariqa (which was identified by some historians as a reform) a new spirit was infused into Sudanese Sufism. The pioneering leadership of Sheikh Ahmed Ateyyib, better known in Sudan as al.Ghauz, led to renewal not only of the practical aspects of God remembrance- ziker and songs of praise (madih)- but also to the philosophy of Sufism. For the first time Sudanese Sufi literature came to be identified comprehensively with some new Sufi concepts such as alnur  al Muhammad, wuhdat alwegud  (unity of existence),  fana (passing away) etc. and practically, may Allah pleased him, the Sheikh expressed these views in his masterpiece al hikam-the book of wisdom. Master Sheikh Ahmed Ateyyib wad al.Bashir is a descendant of Abasi on his father’s side, and through his grandmother descended from al.sayyidaFatima, the daughter of the prophet (pbuh). Finally, and because of his pioneering and significant role in the tariqa, the tariqa came to be known as tariqa al .Tayyibia  al.Sammaniyya and inSudan it is the largest tariqa with adherents numbering in the millions.

3-Sheikh Nur al.Daim sheikh Ahmed Ateyyib.

         Master Sheikh Nur al.Daim, the son of  master Sheikh Ahmed Ateyyib, the founder of the Sammanyyia tariqa in Sudan, inherited the Sufi allegiance (bia) from his father. 

        The story of his succession to his father’s caliphate is mentioned by Ali Salih Karar, in his book Sufi Brotherhoodsin the Sudan, he states: “Ahmed’s death in 1824 without nominating a successor led to a long dispute among his sons, and between them and some of his senior adherents. At first Ahmed’s followers split into two groups .The first supported Ibrahim al.Disuqi ( d.1269/1852-3),  Ahmeds elder son, because of his age, learning and, more importantly, because he had frequently taken his father’s place in leading prayers. The second group backed Nur al.Daim (d.1268/7-1851), another son of Ahmed, because his father was said to have remarked of him that ‘baraka’ would be inherent in him and his offspring. This dispute continued until 1242/1829-30 when Ahmed al.Basir arrived to build a tomb over his master’s grave. Al.Basir, who was greatly respected by the Sammanyyia and believed to be a member of the prophetic communion hadrat al.rasul, was said to have authorized Nur al.Daim to lead the prayers, praying behind him like an ordinary follower. Al.Basir’s justification for this was that he had had a vision (ruya) in which the prophet declared that Nur al.Daim was Ahmed’s successor.

4- Sheikh al.Bashir sheikh Nur.Daim

My master is a grandson to the founder and pioneer of Sammanyia tariqa in Sudan my master Sheikh Ahmed Atyyeb Ibn al.Bashir.In the Sufi path he was initiated at the hand of his father’s well-reputed students my master sheikh al.Gurashi Ibn Zien.Shiekh al.Bashir was one of the Gnostic, devoted all his time in good deeds.

Before his coming to stay at Tabat As.amman may Allah pleased him with his blessed son sheikh As.amman sheikh al.Bashir spent a lot of time at Tebeib-village near Rufa.In Tabat he died and buried in a tomb that becomes latter a place of visiting to the people.

My master sheikh al.Bashir had initiated many followers in the Sufi path as well he may God pleased him had authorised many as sheikhs in Sammanyyia tarriqa, among the most famous of them was Sheikh al.Amir and the sons of sheikh al.Tuhamy in Dender area.

And at the time of his death he was left many blessed and righteous sons: Sheikh al.Sidiq, sheikh al.Rashid, sheikh Abd al.aziz, sheikh al.Rafae, and sheikh As.amman.   

5- Sheikh As-amman sheikh al.Bashir.

        The widespread teachings of the Sammaniyya Qadiriyya tariqa on the western bank of the Blue Nile River  and in the surrounding towns and villages of Sennar state reached the reputed master Sheikh As-ammani Sheikh al-Bashir (1850-1967  AC). Master Sheikh As-amman was a grandson of the founder of the Sammaniyya tariqa in Sudan, my master Sheikh Ahmed Ateyyib wad al.Bashir. He was initiated into the Sufi path at the hand of his father Sheikh al.Bashir wad Nur Daim. During the lifetime of his father he established Tabat -40 kilometres north of Sennar, and from there my master Sheikh As.amman took upon himself the task of guiding and directing people to their Lord. Stories of the extreme generosity and karamat of the sheikh spread rapidly among the simple people of the area of whom the majority were farmers and animal herders. The occurrence of great miracles at the hands of the sheikh as well the charismatic qualities of Sheikh As-amman were the reasons found to be behind the successful spread of the tariqa Sammaniyya in the area.

     In addition to the mosque where the prayers are held and the litanies of the tariqa are performed, the khalwa (Quranic school) where the younger children come to memorize and learn the Quran, there is the massid which links the two previous elements.  Through his strong belief Sheikh As.amman, May Allah pleased him, realized the importance of education and knowledge in the lives of people, and so this great man established the Institute for Religious Science, in 1956. Alongside the Islamic and Arabic subjects that were taught at the Institute, modern subjects such as Geography, Mathematics and English Language were also introduced as part of the curriculum. It is said that just as he was concerned with people’s guidance to Allah, master As.amman was also equally concerned with the great message of the Institute which focuses on increasing awareness and combating ignorance in that remote area of the Sudan. It was said that for that reason the sheikh was personally in charge of the Institute, paying the salaries of the teachers and providing accommodation for them and the students. After many years under the direct charge of the sheikh the Institute was finally handed over to the government and placed under the supervision of the Religious Affairs Ministry.

       Socially, master As.amman never neglected the great responsibility of social contact and by maintaining good relations with people irrespective of race, tribe or social status, he (may Allah pleased him) was with people in both their sorrows and on happy occasions. Regarding this, the sheikh was regularly visited by the grandsons of Sheikh As.amman, the founder of the tariqa, who used to visit the tariqa sites in theSudan.

     After a life of piety and good deeds master Sheikh As.amman passed away in the year 1967 and was buried at Tabat As.amman, where his shrine has become a place of attraction for everyday visitors. To conclude, we can say that the greatest karamat of the sheikh was undoubtedly his straightforwardness towards the faith, and his God favored him by guiding thousands of men to the Sufi path. Master Sheikh As.amman was survived by many daughters and five blessed sons: Sheikh Al.Sadiq, Sheikh Ibrahim, Sheikh al.Badawi, Sheikh al.Jili, and Sheikh Al.Bakri.

6- Sheikh al.Bakri Sheikh As.amman.

        Master Sheikh al.Bakri (1917-1970) really is one of the few great saints who came at a latter time, passed away and left a generation of men among the people who became like the stars in both number and brightness. When he left this temporary life he left behind a great spiritual legacy.

His biography tells that he was the son of my master Sheikh As.ammani sheikh al.Bashir. His grandfather was the pioneer of the Sammaniyya tariqa in Sudan while on the side of his grandmother he belonged to the family of Sheikh Mohammad wad Taha the famous wali (saint) and the student of my master Sheikh Ahmed Ateyyib wad al.Bashir.

     Sheikh al.Bakri took bia (the Sufi allegiance) from his father master Sheikh As.amman wad al.Bashir. During the lifetime of his father, master Sheikh As.amman, Sheikh al.Bakri ( may Allah pleased him) established his own independent massid  beside the massid of his father. At his own place of residence he began to receive guests and visitors, bestowing upon them what Allah had offered him from His material and spiritual bounties, and giving the Sufi allegiance to those who required it. This act of the son pleased his father, for the father knew from the beginning what the future held for his blessed son. In time the prophecy of the father was verified, so from the many who were called he came to be one of the few who were chosen; chosen to be a wali known to the people of heaven before the people on earth, chosen to the presence of Allah as a perfect inheritor to the prophet Mohammad and the Reality, chosen to guide men to the presence of Allah.

    Sheikh al.Bakri was one of the perfect, pious saints.  The signs and qualities of perfection which represent knowledge, piety, good character, handsome appearance, and bodily strength were applicable to him. It was said that he stuck strongly to the prophetic Sunnah, deeply concerned with the moral and spiritual training of his disciples. A lot of stories tell us that he was one of the men of insight and clear sight. The incidence of the many and the frequent karamat attributed to him fixed the charismatic powers of the sheikh in the minds of his disciples and murids. The spread of such stories of karamat, in addition to the spiritual powers of the sheikh and his strong personal qualities had a great influence in attracting many people to take the Sufi allegiance at his hand. To his disciples he was a sincere guide. They followed his teachings with great love, sincerity and devotion, and thus regained their dignity and integrity as human beings. Sheikh al.Bakri was able, by Allah’s leave, to revive an entire generation, and the repercussions of such work are still being felt. He believed that in Sufism the love of influence, excessive eating and sleeping hinders the murids’ spiritual advancement.

Master Sheikh al.Bakri passed away in the year 1970, and was survived by two daughters and five sons: Sheikh Hassan al.Basri, who is the khalifa now residing at Tabat al.samman, Sheikh Ateyyib, Sheikh Nur adaim, Sheikh Mohammad Taha, and Sheikh As.amman.

 Sheikh As.amman sheikh al.Bakri -Omaidan.

        Each era has produced true and sincere guides who testified to the prophetic message and gave guidance to thirsty seekers of divine knowledge and the Sufi path, among such guides comes my master Sheikh As.amman. The life story of my master Sheikh As.amman (1954) tells us that he was born in the village of Omaidan-30km north of Dender- the son of master Sheikh al.Bakri, named As.amman after his grandfather, the gnostic sheikh As.amman wad al.Bashir. Previously, the Omaidan area lacked the necessities for a dignified life for people; there was no school and no health centre. This has changed because of the great efforts that the sheikh has exerted. His appearance at Omaidan, this small village which lies on the eastern bank of the Dender river, is considered an expansion of the previous efforts by his forefathers master Sheikh Ahmed Ateyyib Wad al.Bashir and master Sheikh As.amman Wad al.Bashir to change conditions. The spirit of change in that society began when a primary school for both boys and girls was opened in the year 1986. What distinguished the early batches of this school was that students successfully linked the memorization of the Quran and the subjects that were taught at the school, by dividing their time between the school and the massid where there is the khalwa in which they learn and memorize the Quran. 

      Many factors lie behind the dominance and the successful spread of the Sammaniyya Gadiriya tariqa in the Dender area, among which is the personal behavior of the sheikh. To the local people Sheikh As.amman stands as an example of generosity, piety and righteousness.  In addition the spiritual power of the sheikh is represented in the innumerable occurrence of karamats which have played an important role in attracting many people. Omaidan has now turned into a centre in which the renewed Sheikh As.amman devotes his time everyday to receiving hundreds of people from different parts of the country and from different classes and sects, catering to the visitors’ varied material and spiritual needs. The importance of the sheikh to the society is that he is a trusted figure for curing mental diseases; a lot of people flock to Omaidan with their insane relatives, as As.amman is reputed to cure them.  Like his ancestors his door is open to all people, his whole life is dedicated to the service of human beings.

        Sheikh As.amman plays an important role in the reconciliation and settlement of many disputes and social conflicts which arise among the tribes of the area, because of the spiritual power he possesses people respect his word.

 

Words of wisdom

“I learned with certainty that it is above all the mystics who walk on the path of God; their life is the best life, their method the soundest method and their character the purest character. Indeed, were the intellect of the intellectuals, the learning of the learned and the scholarship of the scholars, who are versed in the profundities of revealed truth, brought together in the attempt to improve the life and character of the mystics, they would find no way of doing so, for to mystics all movement and all rest, whether external or internal, brings illumination from the light of lamp of the prophetic revelation, and behind the light of the prophetic revelation there is no other light on the face of the earth from which illumination may be received”

                                                                                        Imam al.Gazali.    

              Come, come, whoever you are

              Wander, worshipper, lover of leaving

              It doesn’t matter.

              Ours is not caravan of despair.

              Come, even if you have broken your vow

               A hundred times.

               Come, yet again, come, come.

                                                                                    Mevlana Rumi.

           Your heart is the House of God,

            Let none dwells therein besides God.

                                                                                     Ibrahim Ibn Adham.

            Wilt thou the Lord you see,

             Be pleased to love thee

             To friends or enemies both,

             Smile to the whitish tooth.

             The fragrance always remains on the hand that gives the rose

                                                                                          Gandhi.

            The light often arrived at you, but they found your heart full with    

             Images of the creatures. They then returned from where they came.

                                                                        Ibn.Ata Allah.Al.Iskandari.

           The sole meaning of life is to serve humanity.

                                                                                      Leo Tolstoy. 

-       Any truth (haqiqa) which is not supported by the active testimony of the divine laws (sharia) is atheism.

                                                                  Sheikh Abdul Gadir al Galani

 

This piece is taken from the website of the Tariqa Tayebiyya Sammaniyya – Omaidan.

See on-line at: http://omaidan.com/en/text/en1.html

Sultan Bahu Sufi Order – Welcome

August 27, 2011

Welcome

The Sultan Bahu Sufi Order was established in South Africa in the eary 1980′s. The head ofthe order Faqir Abdul Hamid Sarwari Qaderi resides in Kulachi, NW frontier, Pakistan. Hemade his first trip to South Africa in the early 1980′s, where he initiated khalifa Saeed AliChopdat into the silsila and made him the senior khalifa for the region. Sheikh Saeed Ali hasmade great sacrifices to ensure the success of the silsila, and al’hamdu’lillah today we havemany thousands of mureeds in South Africa and neighbouring countries. Sheikh runs thecentre from the head office in Mayfair, Johannesburg, where he also runs an orphanageand a dialysis centre. Many other projects are also being successfully run, such as the drugrehab centres in Cape Town, a vibrant centre in Durban and a dawah centre inPotchefstroom, under Sautul Islam.

 

This piece is taken from the website of the Sultan Bahu Centre.

See on-line at: http://www.sultanbahu.org.za/bahu/

The Amirul Jaysh, Sheikh Nasir Muhammad Kabara (RA), Life and Times

April 12, 2010

Sheikh Nasir Muhammad Umar Kabara, a noted Islamic scholar and philsopher was born in 1912 in  Guringuwa village outside Kano, Nigeria. His grandparents came from Kabara, a town under Timbucktu kingdom. His third generation grandfather – also from Kabara in Timbucktu -  Mallam Umaru, also known as Mallam Kabara was the only one from the lineage to settle in Adakawa in Kano city, before moving on to what is now known as Kabara ward, named after him.  He was an accomplished Sufi in Timbucktu before departing for Kano.

The first thing Mallam Kabara did on settling in Kabara ward was to establish a school in 1787, of a sort commonly referred as Zaure School where the outer entrance hall of his house was converted into an Islamic school. This school possibly among the oldest recorded schools in Kano is now part of the Darul Qadiriyya household of Sheikh Nasiru Kabara.

The youthful Nasiru was extremely enthusiastic in his search for knowledge. His first encounter with advanced Islamic learning system – long after he had graduated from the normal Allo (Qur’an read from wooden slates) schooling system, emerging extremely fluent in Arabic language, Islamic jurisprudance and Linguistics – was with Bad’ul Amli and Murshida, both treatises on Tauhidi; the unity of God. Next followed a voracious apepite for other books and soon he had completed his studies of  Ahlari, Iziyya and Risala: all books necessary for a proper understanding of Islam. Because in Islam there is no concept of copyright, soon after the youthful Nasir was himself typesetting the Risala and Ishiriniya (book of poetry in praise of the Prophet) and selling them.

His learning process was essentially self-motivated, with of course appropriate encouragement from his main teacher: Mallam Natsugune. Consequently, the youthful Nasiru was a voracious searcher of Islamic knowledge, being far ahead of his contemporaries – indeed he was actually preaching to his classmates his advanced understanding of the meaning of the Quran; thus sowing the early seeds of his entry into Tafsir at such tender age.

In Kano of that era – 1920s – there were five advanced schools; essentially what can be considered pre-university schools now – where the young Nasiru used to go, on his own, to further his knowledge. These schools were:

1.  The House of Deputy Imam of the City Central Mosque, located in the Daneji ward

2.  The House of Mallam Ibrahim, Chief Judge of Kano at Yakasai ward

3.  The House of Bichi Circuit Judge, Alhaji Musdafa at Kurawa ward

4.  The House of Sheik Abdulkarim (Mallam Sambo) at Ciromawa ward

5.  The House of Chief Imam of Zawiyya, Mallam Inuwa at Mayanka ward

These schools had extensive reference libraries containing collections obtained from various North African scholastic centers. All form the central core of Nasiru’s thirst for further knowledge.

Even at that age, his acquisition of knowledge was more than rote learning; he questioned what he did not understand from his teacher; thus being extremely revolutionary in his understanding of Islamic knowledge. The traditional perception of the relationship between the pupil and the master in the Islamic schooling system rarely gives room for interactive acquisition of the knowlege. Nasir did not accept such didactic relationship, and consequently, with diffidence and respect, always requests for further elaboration of what he did not understand of what he learnt from his teachers – who themselves were only too willing to oblige the young scholar. This was not suprising, even in the “archaic” 1930s Kano, considering the fact that some of his other teachers were graduates of the Al-Azhar University in Cairo, the oldest university in Africa. Thus Nasiru Kabara combined two intellectual traditions: his Timbuctu ancestry when Timbuctu itself was a citadel of learnig in the Sudan; and his contact with visiting scholars and professors from Al-Azhar in the 1930s in Kano.

Among the local residents in Kano who joined the Qadiriyya at this time (1937) was a young lad, Muhammad Nasir Kabara, who was destined to bring great changes in the tariqa and not only to introduce the celebration of the birthday of Shaykh Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani, a festival which was not practiced by the North Africans, but also to carry the use of bandiri to every corner of Hausaland.

At the age of seventeen, Muhammad Nasir was really too young to be accepted as a member of the Qadiriyya but, as his grandfather, Mallam Nakabara – an extremely well learned Mallam – wished him to enter the order, Shaykh Sa’ad had a little choice but to give him the wazifa. Although a youth, Nasir was not only well read in classical Arabic literature and sciences but he was also conversant with the learning of Sufism and the works of the leading sufi scholars of the time.

When the Amir of Kano Abdullahi Bayero went on the hajj Nasir sent a letter through Wali Sulaiman to the Khalifa of the Qadiriyya, Shaykh Abu al-Hassan as-Sammani, the grandson of the founder of the Sammaniyya, asking him to give him an ijaza to become muqaddam of his own zawiya. The Shaykh was astonished to hear of such a highly learned youth and he sent a jubba and cap to Nasir together with a letter of appointment as a muqaddam. Although Nasir did not immediately separate himself from the community in Alfindiki, as Shaykh Sa’ad was still alive, his actions were regarded as innovations by the Arabs. In 1949 Nasir made the Hajj and met the new Khalifa, Shaykh Hashim and Shaykh Muhammad of Mauritania. On his return journey, he visited the Sudan, where he met with Shaykh Muhammad al-Fatih b. Shaykh Qarib Allah, Khalifa of the Sudanese Samaniyya. He also visited other Arab countries where he learnt many things concerning the hadra and bandiri organization. By 1950 Sheikh Nasir was in many ways far more versatile and eclectic than his teachers; and having successfully made Sufism acceptable to wider audience, he was thus able to make Qadiriyya penetrate into every part of the country.

Thus since about 1958 Nasiru Kabara has been considered the leader of all branches of Qadiriyya in Kano. The lines of authority within the leadership   structure, however, may be viewed in terms of both the individuals whose authority extends over several branches and the particular patterns within each branch.

Nasiru Kabara received his original authority in Kuntiyya and Ahl al-Bayt from Ibrahim Nakabara, who was the dominant figure linking nineteenthand twentieth-century Qadiriyya in Kano. Ibrahim (ca. 1867-1941) was Fulani and his grandfather was originally from Katsina. He learned a wide range of subjects from his father: law, theology, literature, logic, and grammar. He learned astrology from Mahmud Kabara; law (the Mukhtasar) from the babban mallami, Abdurrahman al-Sayudi; and sufism (especially Qadiriyya) from his father and from Ibrahim of Zaria, who had come to Kano. By the age of thirty, he had become a legal adviser to Emir Aliyu. He was offered the position of alkali (judge) but refused on the conviction that mallams should not be involved in government. He did not travel outside Kano and continued his position as legal adviser under emirs Abbas, Usman, and Abdullahi Bayero. He was also the personal mallarn of Emir Usman. Ibrahim did not write books, although he did possess his own written commentaries on the Mukhtasar. His home in Kabara ward was a center of higher learning in Hausaland. One section of his compound was set aside for studies of theology and mysticism, and another section was set aside for studying law. He was not an ardent proponent of solitude (khalwa). Although there were other leaders of traditional Qadiriyya in Kano during this period, Ibrahim’s authority was reinforced by his personal qualities of piety and knowledge and by his effectiveness as a teacher of mallams. He was not succeeded in this authority by his son but by his student Nasiru Kabara, who exhibited these same qualities.

Nasiru Kabara”was “given” to Ibrahim na Kabara as a child and grew up in his household. As a Fulani, Nasiru has had access to the Traditional Qadiriyya mallams in Kano. Through his abilities as a scholar and teacher, he became the likely heir to Ibrahim na Kabara.”

During the period from 1935 to 1955, Nasiru was successful in establishing direct contact with the primary sources of Qadiriyya authority in Khartoum, Timbuktu, and Baghdad; and thus he became increasingly independent of Traditional Qadiriyya lines of authority. His trip to Baghdad in 1953 was a turning point in his career. It established his authority directly within the international headquarters of Qadiriyya; while in Baghdad he studied classical and modern aspects of Qadiriyya, and subsequently he introduced or interpreted much of this material for a Nigerian audience; his sole traveling companion to Baghdad was the wealthy merchant, Sanusi Dantata. As a result of the trip, Nasiru secured the financial support for his campaign to reform Qadiriyya and extend it to a mass level.

Upon his return from Baghdad, Nasiru opened his own Qadiriyya mosque and declined to attend the mosque of Muhammad Sidi. By 1956 most of the leadership and laity had aligned with Nasiru and a rapprochement was reached with Muhammad Sidi. During this period Nasiru traveled throughout northern Nigeria opening mosques and appointing muqaddams. He also nurtured his contacts in the Arab world, returning twice to Baghdad and visiting Khartoum, Cairo, Beirut, Damascus, Tehran, and Amman. In 1958 he was appointed headmaster of Shahuci judicial School and Library in Kano. In 1961 he opened his own Islamiyya Senior Primary School in Gwale ward and has continued teaching advanced subjects in his own home.

In 1949 Nasiru was appointed to the emir’s Council of Advisers by Abdullahi Bayero. When Muhammad Sanusi became emir in 1954, however, Nasiru was replaced on the council by Reformed Tijani mallams. During the reign of Sanusi, Nasiru served as a legal consultant to the Northern Muslim Court of Appeal and continued as one of the two tafsir readers in the palace (q.v.). With the appointment of Ado Bayero as emir in 1963, Nasiru again became an adviser to the emir. Since 1963 he has been a member of the Kaduna Council of Mallams and has been on numerous local and regional committees, ranging from the Kano Native Authority Committee on Prostitution to the Northern Nigerian Special Committee on Education in Kano Province.

Despite his involvement as a government mallam, Nasiru Kabara has maintained a base of authority independent of the administrative structures in Kano and northern Nigeria. He has been largely responsible for making Qadiriyya acceptable to the common man, both Fulani and Hausa, and has been an important intermediary between the Fulani ruling class and the Hausa commoner. He has translated the theology and mysticism of Qadiriyya into the Hausa idiom.

In addition to the functions of initiation, training, and intermediation, the Qadiriyya leadership in Kano has responsibility for financing and organizing the various activities of the brotherhood and for communicating with all segments of the brotherhood, local and national. In the transformation of the brotherhood from an elite to a mass organization, a major leadership function has been the inspiration and administration of ritual.

Most of the Reformed Qadiriyya members do wuridi in groups led by an imam. The exact nature of the wuridi varies with the subgroup within Qadiriyya. The total time expended in each group would be about thirty minutes per day. Some Qadiriyya (Salamiyya) imams also lead bandiri sessions about twice a week in the evenings. During these group prayer sessions the leader-follower nexus is strongly reinforced, partly by the traditional relationship of an imam to those who “pray behind.”

Reformed Qadiriyya has placed a special emphasis on group celebration of the founder’s birthday (Mauludin Abdulkadir). This ceremony is specifically identified with Reformed Qadiriyya and was initiated in Kano by Nasiru Kabara in about 1959. It serves as a yearly meeting for brotherhood leaders and members from throughout northern Nigeria. Delegations from each of the major northern cities congregate in Kano for a full day of prayers and activities. The central feature of the day is a group procession, arranged by area delegations, from the home of Nasiru Kabara in the Jarkasa area of Kabara ward to the Kano Qadiriyya burial ground west of Kano City, where prayers are said over the graves of Kano Qadiriyya saints. The procession also serves as the only time in the year when men, women, and children all participate in the same worship service. The order of procession indicates roughly the hierarchy of authority within the Qadiriyya elite; there is an inner core of muqaddams who accompany Nasiru Kabara during this period.

From the patterns of authority and community withiin Qadiriyya in Kano several points may be summarized:

(1) Association with Qadiriyya in the nineteenth century was limited to Fulani mallams and administrators (who derived their authority from the leaders of the Fulani Jihad) and to North African Arabs (who did not integrate themselves religiously into the Kano Milieu).

(2) With the establishment of colonial rule, elements in the Kano Arab community reaffirmed their own spiritual links with North African sources of spiritual authority.

(3) Members of the Hausa mallam class began to associate with this renewed form of North African Qadiriyya and were rccruited into leadership positions within one generation.

(4) Part of the success of Qadiriyya in the Hausa sector was due to an emphasis on group worship and the focusing of activities within local mosques.

(5) The “legitimate” successor to the leadership of traditional Fulani Qadiriyya in Kano (Nasiru Kabara) affiliated with independent lines of Qadiriyya authority as a reinforcement of his “inherited” authority and sought to consolidate the Arab, Hausa, and Fulani sections of Qadiriyya.

(6) This was accomplished partly by extending Qadiriyya from an elite base to a mass base. In this process, the support of wealthy Hausa merchants was essential. On the mass level, Reformed Qadiriyya was also a rdection of emergizng Kano nationalism which demanded that religious authority be shifted from Sokoto and North Africa to Kano itself.

(7) Because of the mass base of Reformed Qadiriyya, it was no longer possible for the Qadiriyya elite to identify completely with the Kano ruling class. Thus, while brotherhood leaders might act as advisers to the ruling class, they have usually guarded their status as nongovernment mallarns.

(8) Perhaps as a consequence of the shift from an elite to a mass base, the brotherhood leadership became involved in two relatively new functions: the interpretation of doctrine for local use and the inspiration, through ritual and ceremony, of group and mass worship.

Doctrines of Authority and Community in Reformed Qadiriyya

Whereas Traditional Qadiriyya in Kano relied heavily on the nineteenth century Jihad writings as the major sources of Qadiriyya doctrine the leaders of Reformed Qadiriyya have themselves been prolific writers. Like the Fulani Jihad writers, the contemporary Qadiriyya writers are concerned to relate classical Islamic thought to local circumstances. In the interim period between the Jihad writings and the contemporary writings, there was “a dearth of Qadiriyya literature in Kano. None of the major leaders during this period, Ibrahim na Kabara, Ali Musa, Saad b. Ahmad, Sharif Garba, Sidi Muhammad, and Muhammad Sidi-wrote on Qadiriyya. The Reformed Qadiriyya movement, associated with Nasiru Kabara and Ahmad b. Ali, has not only produced its own literature but has revived an interest in the Jihad classics,” has introduced works on Qadiriyya from the Arab world,” and has inspired local Hausa “praise poets” ” to express themselves on brotherhood matters. Nasiru Kabara hase written about 150 works in all. 

The amount of systematic theology in the writings of Nasiru Kabara has been minimal; his primary purpose seems to be to relate the history and elements of the brotherhood in terms understandable to contemporary Kano society and to stimulate an identification with the saints of the brotherhood. The writings of Ahmad b. Ali cover many of these same topics. There is no specific praise of the Shaziliyya way, as distinct from Qadiriyya, and much of the literature contains poems that are sung at worship gatherings. Another Reformed Qadiriyya leader in Kano, Adamu na Ma’aji (q.v.), seems mainly concerned with chains of authority and conditions of initiation.”

The writings of brotherhood leaders such as Nasiru Kabara and Ahmad b. Ali espouse the community and authority of Qadiriyya on two major grounds: affiliational (primarily on the basis of direct personal experience) and communal (primarily on the basis of loyalty to the nineteenth-century Jihad tradition). Within the category of affiliational appeal, there have been five areas of doctrinal exposition: the origins and spread of Qadiriyya, the elements and requirements of Qadiriyya, the benefits and blessings for those who follow Qadiriyya, personal praise of the Qadiriyya saints, and general preaching.

With regard to the spread of Qadiriyy, Nasiru Kabara describes in Alnafahat the Qadiriyya shaykhs in history and the distribution of Qadiriyya among the continents of the world.” In Naf’ al-’ibad, he discusses the Qadiriyya caliphate throughout history. In Ithaf al-khald’iq he presents the genealogy of the founder, ‘Abd al-Qadir, and a considerable amount of biographical data. He also mentions some of the successors of ‘Abd al-Qadir in the contemporary world.

With regard 4o the requirements of Qadiriyya, Nasiru Kabara elabarates in Al-nafabdt the details and the nature of the brotherhood ceremonies.” In the Naf’ aVibad he describes the Qadiriyya daily voluntary prayers.” In the Ithaf al-khald’iq he discusses the necessities and voluntary aspects of ablution, washing, taimama (symbolic washing with dust), prayer, prostration, giving of alms, fasting, pilgrimage, and other Islamic rituals for those who follow Qadiriyya. In Da’wat al-ghawth he elaborates on the conditions for following Qadiriyya.

With regard to the benefits of Qadiriyya, all of the above-mentioned writings refer to the personal satisfactions and blessings that accrue to those who follow Qadiriyya. Nasiru describes the “glorious benefits” for the followers of Qadiriyya and assures them of the best reward.

With regard to the praise of Qadiriyya saints, it is clear that instead of being a perfunctory gesture it is a culmination of the past that is directed into the brotherhood experience. In Naf al-’ibad, Nasiru inscribes the prayer he offered while at the tomb of ‘Abd al-Qadir in Baghdad.

The praise of a primary saint, ‘Abd al-Qadir, should not obscure the central fact of all the reformed brotherhoods: an individual is encouraged to do addu’a (al-du’a), that is, to pray directly to God. Nasiru exemplifies the passion and symbolism of such a prayer in the Subhdt al-anwar.

Finally, general preaching has always been a function of the religious authorities who try to induce conversions through individual volition. Such preaching is invariably in the vernacular language (in this case Hausa); and if it can be fashioned into poetry, it will be sung by minstrels near and far. Nasiru Kabara has been particularly successful in his general preaching.

Nasiru Kabara identified in the Subhat al-anwar, five branches of Qadiriyya in Hausaland, one of which is Usmaniyya. In various other works, he refers to Usmaniyya al-Fudawiyya and identifies himself with this branch. In the Naf al-’ibad he includes the prayer he read when he visited the tomb of Usman dan Fodio, and it is clear that he regards Muhammad Bello, son of Usman, as among the founders of Usmaniyya. Nasiru writes that he hopes to visit Bello at Wurno (the assumption being that Bello is not dead). While Nasiru does not include any reference to special ritual associated with Usmaniyya, it is clear that the Jihad leaders are considered to be of special importance. The continual identification of them with Qadiriyya is clearly intended to remind their descendants not to desert the “faith of their fathers.” The Hausa poem by Ibrahim Makwarari (Begen Shehu Abdulkadir) is illustrative of the way in which Nasiru is regarded as the successor to the Jihad leaders.

With regard to the alleged doctrinal prohibition against change of brotherhood, there has been an attack on mallams who encourage such conversion, primarily those associated with Reformed Tijaniyya. The doctrinal basis of this attack is stated by Nasiru Kabara in Al-nalabat, where he suggests that the Tijani mallams are “fabricating” if they assert that one tariqa is better than another. He argues for a strict prohibition against leaving the Qadiriyya brotherhood, supporting his argument with verses from the Qur’an and traditions of the Prophet. He asserts that when a person has promised to do something religious, such as follow a brotherhood, he must keep that promise. He criticizes the Tijaniyya specifically for assuming it can convert persons from other brotherhoods, suggesting that this was not the policy of the original Tijani leaders and that the practice is a false modern innovation .

Publications

He has published well over 150 treatises and books explaining various aspects of Islamic philosophy, Arabic and Hausa linguistics. His writing career started quite early in his life in his youth. Perhaps not surprisingly, his first treatise was on Abdulkadir Jilani, the founder of the Qadiriyya Islamic Philosophical movement. His method of writing usually follows the medieval scholastic tradition widespread in the middle-east. Thus he combines commentary with critical appraisal. A classical example of his approach is provided in the intellectual conjectures-and-refutations arguments of Al-Ghazali in his Tahaful Falasafa, and Ibn Rushd’s counter-commenterary, Tahaful Tahafut.

His writings follow a specified and characteristic pattern; beginning with the praise of God, then the rationale of the writing under consideration and the proposed title of the work., followed by an abstract and then the main exposition. An example is his exposition on arm positioning during prayers which he explained in Kan Ul Fasab. He started by priasing Shehu Abdulmahal-al-Shawani a leading exponent of Shafi’iyya movement which supports Saddlu (dropping the arms by the side during the standing portion of the prayer). He then brings a Prophetic tradition (Hadith) which shows the Prophet’s support for such arm positioning. Subsequently, the then brings more Prophetic traditions which explained the stands of both Sadlu and Kablu (crossing the arms on the chest during the standing portion of the prayer).

In his various writings, Sheikh Nasiru Kabara has clearly brought out the concept of Kanawiyya, a connation of Kano as an intellectual entrepot in medieval Africa.  Some of the books and treatises he has published are included below.

Contacts and Links

Darul Qadiriyya, Kano, Nigeria

Qadiriyya Resources and Links

Resourceful Email 

Extensive Sufi Links

Edited by Dr. Abdalla Uba Adamu, Bayero University, Kano, Nigeria

Kanoonline webmaster: Salisu Danyaro, New Jersey, U.S.

This piece is taken from the website of Darul Qadiriyya Kano.

See on-line at: http://www.kanoonline.com/religion/qadriyya/publications.html

Qadiriyya in Somalia

April 12, 2010

The Qadiriyah, the oldest order in Islam, was founded in Baghdad by Abdul Qadir al-Jilani in 1166 and introduced to Harar in Ethopia in the fifteenth century. During the eighteenth century, it was spread among the Oromo and Somalis of Ethiopia, often under the leadership of Somali shaykhs. Its earliest known advocate in northern Somalia was Shaykh Abd ar Rahman az Zeilawi, who died in 1883. At that time, Qadiriyah adherents were merchants in the ports and elsewhere. In a separate development, the Qadiriyah order also spread into the southern Somali port cities of Baraawe and Mogadishu at an uncertain date. In 1819 Shaykh Ibrahim Hassan Jebro acquired land on the Jubba River and established a religious center in the form of a farming community, the first Somali jamaa.
Outstanding figures of the Qadiriyah in Somalia included Shaykh Awes Mahammad Baraawi (d. 1909), who spread the teaching of the order in the southern interior. He wrote much devotional poetry in Arabic and attempted to translate traditional hymns from Arabic into Somali, working out his own phonetic system. Another was Shaykh Abdirrahman Abdullah of Mogadishu, who stressed deep mysticism. Because of his reputation for sanctity, his tomb at Mogadishu became a pilgrimage center for the Shebelle valley and his writings continued to be circulated by his followers in the early 1990s.

This piece is taken from the website of the Naqshbandiya Foundation for Islamic Education.

See on-line at: http://www.nfie.com/welcome/blog/2009/04/qadiriyya-in-somalia.html

Qadiriyya in Mauritania

April 12, 2010
The Qadiriya is the largest and most highly organized brotherhood in Mauritania. Founded in Mesopotamia in the twelfth century by Abd al Kader al Jilani, it spread to Africa in the fifteenth century. Like all brotherhoods, the Qadiriya includes some emotional mystical elements, but it also stresses learning and Islamic education as the way to find God. All members of the Qadiriya are directed to follow the precepts of humility, generosity, and respect for their neighbors regardless of religious beliefs or social standing.
The Qadiriya brotherhood has had two main branches in Mauritania, the Sidiya and the Fadeliya. Although the Sidiya has been most influential in the vicinity of Trarza–where the family and followers of the brotherhood’s founder, Shaykh Sidiya Baba, were centered–it has also been important in Brakna, Tagant, and Adrar. The Fadeliya, founded in the early nineteenth century by Mohammad Fadel, has been centered in Oualâta and Atar.
This piece is taken from the website of the Naqshbandiya Foundation for Islamic Education.
See on-line at: http://www.nfie.com/welcome/blog/2009/04/qadiriyya-in-mauritania.html

Sheikh Muhammad Nasiru Kabara (1914 – 1996)

April 12, 2010

Sheikh Nasir Muhammad Al-Mukhtar Kabara, a noted Islamic scholar and philosopher was born in 1912 in Guringawa village outside Kano, Nigeria. His grandparents came from Kabara, a town under Timbuktu kingdom. His third generation grandfather — also from Kabara in Timbuktu — Mallam Omar, also known as Mallam Kabara was the only one from the lineage to settle in Adakawa in Kano city, before moving on to what is now known as Kabara ward, named after him. He was an accomplished Sufi in Timbuktu before departing for Kano.
The first thing Mallam Kabara did on settling in Kabara ward was to establish a school in 1787, of a sort commonly referred as (Zaure) School where the outer entrance hall of his house was converted into an Islamic school. This school possibly among the oldest recorded schools in Kano is now part of the Darul Qadiriyya household of Sheikh Nasir Kabara.
The sheikh was extremely enthusiastic in his search for knowledge. His first encounter with advanced Islamic learning system — long after he had graduated from the normal Allo (Qur’an read from wooden slates) schooling system, emerging extremely fluent in Arabic language, Islamic jurisprudence and Linguistics — was with Bad’ul Amli and Murshida, both treatises on Tauhidi; the unity of God. Next followed a voracious apepite for other books and soon he had completed his studies of Ahlari, Iziyya and Risala: all books necessary for a proper understanding of Islam. Because in Islam there is no concept of copyright, soon after the sheikh was himself typesetting the Risala and Ishiriniya (book of poetry in praise of the Prophet) and selling them.
His learning process was essentially self-motivated; with of course appropriate encouragement from his main teacher: Mallam Natsugune. Consequently, the youthful sheikh was a voracious searcher of Islamic knowledge, being far ahead of his contemporaries — indeed he was actually preaching to his classmates his advanced understanding of the meaning of the Qur’an; thus sowing the early seeds of his entry into Tafsir at such tender age.
In Kano of that era — 1920s — there were five advanced schools; essentially what can be considered pre-university schools now — where the sheikh used to go, on his own, to further his knowledge. These schools had extensive reference libraries containing collections obtained from various North African scholastic centers. All form the central core of sheikh Nasiru’s thirst for further knowledge.
Even at that age, his acquisition of knowledge was more than rote learning; he questioned what he did not understand from his teacher; thus being extremely revolutionary in his understanding of Islamic knowledge. The traditional perception of the relationship between the pupil and the master in the Islamic schooling system rarely gives room for interactive acquisition of the knowledge. sheikh Nasir did not accept such didactic relationship, and consequently, with diffidence and respect, always requests for further elaboration of what he did not understand of what he learnt from his teachers — who themselves were only too willing to oblige the young scholar. This was not surprising, even in the “archaic” 1930s Kano, considering the fact that some of his other teachers were graduates of the Al-Azhar University in Cairo, the oldest university in Africa. Thus Sheikh Nasir Kabara combined two intellectual traditions: his Timbuktu ancestry when Timbuktu itself was a citadel of learning in the Sudan; and his contact with visiting scholars and professors from Al-Azhar in the 1930s in Kano.
Among the local residents in Kano who joined the Qadiriyya at this time (1937) was a young lad, Shaikh Muhammad Nasir Kabara, who was destined to bring great changes in the tariqa and not only to introduce the celebration of the birthday of Shaikh Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani, a festival which was not practiced by the North Africans, but also to carry the use of bandiri to every corner of Hausa land.At the age of seventeen, Shaikh Muhammad Nasir was really too young to be accepted as a member of the Qadiriyya but, as his grandfather, Mallam Nakabara — an extremely well learned Mallam — wished him to enter the order, Shaikh Sa’ad had a little choice but to give him the wazifa. Although a youth, sheikh Nasir was not only well read in classical Arabic literature and sciences but he was also conversant with the learning of Sufism and the works of the leading sufi scholars of the time.When the Amir of Kano Abdullahi Bayero went on the hajj Sheikh Nasir sent a letter through Wali Sulaiman to the Khalifa of the Qadiriyya, Shaykh Abu al-Hassan as-Samman, the grandson of the founder of the Sammaniyya, asking him to give him an ijaza to become muqaddam of his own zawiya. The Shaykh was astonished to hear of such a highly learned youth and he sent a jubba and cap to shaykh Nasir together with a letter of appointment as a muqaddam. Although shaykh Nasir did not immediately separate himself from the community in Alfindiki, as Shaikh Sa’ad was still alive, his actions were regarded as innovations by the Arabs. In 1949 shaykh Nasir made the Hajj and met the new Khalifa, Shaikh Hashim and Shaikh Muhammad of Mauritania. On his return journey, he visited the Sudan, where he met with Sayyidi Shaikh Muhammad al-Fatih bin. Shaikh Qaribullah, grand Shaikh of the Sudanese Sammaniyya, and collect the Ijaza of As-Sammaniyyal-Qaribiyya secondly. He also visited other Arab countries where he learnt many things concerning the hadra and bandiri organization. By 1950 Sheikh Nasir was in many ways far more versatile and eclectic than his teachers; and having successfully made Sufism acceptable to wider audience, he was thus able to make Qadiriyya penetrate into every part of the country.
Thus since about 1958 Sheikh Nasir Kabara has been con¬sidered the leader of all branches of Qadiriyya in Kano. The lines of authority within the leadership structure, however, may be viewed in terms of both the individuals whose authority extends over several branches and the particular patterns within each branch.
Sheikh Nasir Kabara received his original authority in Kuntiyya and Ahl al Dar from Ibrahim Na tsugune, who was the dominant figure linking nineteenth¬ and twentieth century Qadiriyya in Kano. Ibrahim (ca. 1867 1941) was Fulani and his grandfather was originally from Katsina. He learned a wide range of subjects from his father: law, theology, literature, logic, and grammar. He learned astrology from Mahmud Kabara; law (the Mukhtasar) from the babban mallami, Abdurrahman al Suyudi; and sufism (especially Qadiriyya) from his father and from Ibrahim of Zaria, who had come to Kano. By the age of thirty, he had become a legal adviser to Emir Aliyu. He was offered the position of alkali (judge) but refused on the conviction that mallams should not be involved in government. He did not travel outside Kano and continued his position as legal adviser under emirs Abbas, Usman, and Abdullahi Bayero. He was also the personal mallarn of Emir Usman. Ibrahim did not write books, although he did possess his own written commentaries on the Mukhtasar. His home in Kabara ward was a center of higher learning in Hausa land. One section of his compound was set aside for studies of theology and mysticism, and another section was set aside for studying law. He was not an ardent proponent of solitude (khalwa). Although there were other leaders of tradi¬tional Qadiriyya in Kano during this period, Ibrahim’s authority was rein¬forced by his personal qualities of piety and knowledge and by his effectiveness as a teacher of mallams. He was not succeeded in this authority by his son but by his student Sheikh Nasiru Kabara, who exhibited these same qualities.
Sheikh Nasir Kabara”was “given” to Ibrahim na Kabara as a child and grew up in his household. As a Fulani, shaykh Nasiru has had access to the Traditional Qadiriyya mallams in Kano. Through his abilities as a scholar and teacher, he became the likely heir to Ibrahim na Kabara.”
During the period from 1935 to 1955, shaykh Nasiru was successful in establishing direct contact with the primary sources of Qadiriyya authority in Khartoum, Timbuktu, and Baghdad; and thus he became increasingly independent of Traditional Qadiriyya lines of authority. His trip to Baghdad in 1953 was a turning point in his career. It established his authority directly within the international headquarters of Qadiriyya; while in Baghdad he studied classical and modern aspects of Qadiriyya, and subsequently he introduced or in¬terpreted much of this material for a Nigerian audience; his sole traveling companion to Baghdad was the wealthy merchant, Sanusi Dantata. As a result of the trip, shaykh Nasir secured the financial support for his campaign to re¬form Qadiriyya and extend it to a mass level.
Upon his return from Baghdad, sheikh opened his own Qadiriyya mosque and declined to attend the mosque of Muhammad Sidi. By 1956 most of the leadership and laity had aligned with Shaikh. and a rapprochement was reached with Muhammad Sidi. During this period Nasir traveled throughout northern Nigeria opening mosques and appointing muqaddams. He also nurtured his contacts in the Arab world, returning twice to Baghdad and visiting Khartoum, Cairo, Beirut, Damascus, Tehran, and Amman. In 1958 he was appointed headmaster of Shahuci judicial School and Library in Kano. In 1961 he opened his own Islamiyya Senior Primary School in Gwale ward and has continued teaching advanced subjects in his own home.
In 1949 sheikh was appointed to the emir’s Council of Advisers by Abdullahi Bayero. When Muhammad Sanusi became emir in 1954, however,Shaykh was replaced on the council by Reformed Tijani mallams. During the reign of Sanusi, shaykh served as a legal consultant to the Northern Muslim Court of Appeal and continued as one of the two tafsir readers in the palace (q.v.). With the appointment of Ado Bayero as emir in 1963, shaykh Nasiru again became an adviser to the emir. Since 1963 he has been a member of the Kaduna Council of Mallams and has been on numerous local and regional committees, ranging from the Kano Native Authority Committee on Prostitution to the Northern Nigerian Special Committee on Education in Kano Province.
Despite his involvement as a government mallam, Sheikh Nasiru Kabara has main¬tained a base of authority independent of the administrative structures in Kano and northern Nigeria. He has been largely responsible for making Qadiriyya acceptable to the common man, both Fulani and Hausa, and has been an im¬portant intermediary between the Fulani ruling class and the Hausa com¬moner. He has translated the theology and mysticism of Qadiriyya into the Hausa idiom.
In addition to the functions of initiation, training, and intermediation, the Qadiriyya leadership in Kano has responsibility for financing and organizing the various activities of the brotherhood and for communicating with all segments of the brotherhood, local and national. In the transformation of the brotherhood from an elite to a mass organization, a major leadership function has been the inspiration and adminis¬tration of ritual.
Most of the Reformed Qadiriyya members do wuridi in groups led by an imam. The exact nature of the wuridi varies with the subgroup within Qadiriyya. The total time expended in each group would be about thirty minutes per day. Some Qadiriyya (Salamiyya) imams also lead bandiri sessions about twice a week in the evenings. During these group prayer sessions the leader follower nexus is strongly reinforced, partly by the traditional relationship of an imam to those who “pray behind.”
Reformed Qadiriyya has placed a special emphasis on group celebration of the founder’s birthday (Mauludin shaykh Abdulkadir). This ceremony is specifically identified with Reformed Qadiriyya and was initiated in Kano by Sheikh Nasir Kabara in about 1959. It serves as a yearly meeting for brotherhood leaders and members from throughout northern Nigeria. Delegations from each of the major northern cities congregate in Kano for a full day of prayers and activities. The central feature of the day is a group procession, arranged by area delegations, from the home of Sheikh Nasiru Kabara in the Jarkasa area of Kabara ward to the Kano Qadiriyya burial ground west of Kano City, where prayers are said over the graves of Kano Qadiriyya saints. The procession also serves as the only time in the year when men, women, and children all participate in the same worship service. The order of procession indicates roughly the hierarchy of authority within the Qadiriyya elite; there is an inner core of muqaddams who accompany Sheikh Nasiru Kabara during this period.
From the patterns of authority and community within Qadiriyya in Kano several points may be summarized:
(1) Association with Qadiriyya in the nineteenth century was limited to Fulani mallams and administrators (who derived their authority from the leaders of the Fulani Jihad) and to North African Arabs (who did not integrate themselves religiously into the Kano Milieu).(2) With the establishment of colonial rule, elements in the Kano Arab community reaffirmed their own spiritual links with North African sources of spiritual authority.(3) Members of the Hausa mallam class began to associate with this renewed form of North African Qadiriyya and were recruited into leadership positions within one generation. (4) Part of the success of Qadiriyya in the Hausa sector was due to an emphasis on group worship and the focusing of activities within local mosques. (5) The “legitimate” successor to the leadership of traditional Fulani Qadiriyya in Kano (Sheikh Nasiru Kabara) affiliated with independent lines of Qadiriyya authority as a reinforcement of his “inherited” authority and sought to consolidate the Arab, Hausa, and Fulani sections of Qadiriyya. (6) This was accomplished partly by extending Qadiriyya from an elite base to a mass base. In this process, the support of wealthy Hausa merchants was essential. On the mass level, Reformed Qadiriyya was also a redaction of emerging Kano nationalism which demanded that religious au¬thority be shifted from Sokoto and North Africa to Kano itself. (7) Because of the mass base of Reformed Qadiriyya, it was no longer possible for the Qadiriyya elite to identify completely with the Kano ruling class. Thus, while brotherhood leaders might act as advisers to the ruling class, they have usually guarded their status as nongovernment mallams. (8) Perhaps as a consequence of the shift from an elite to a mass base, the brotherhood leadership became in¬volved in two relatively new functions: the interpretation of doctrine for local use and the inspiration, through ritual and ceremony, of group and mass worship.
Doctrines of Authority and Community in Reformed QadiriyyaWhereas Traditional Qadiriyya in Kano relied heavily on the nineteenth¬ century Jihad writings as the major sources of Qadiriyya doctrine the leaders of Reformed Qadiriyya have themselves been prolific writers. Like the Fulani Jihad writers, the contemporary Qadiriyya writers are concerned to relate classical Islamic thought to local circumstances. In the interim period between the Jihad writings and the contemporary writings, there was “a dearth of Qadiriyya literature in Kano. None of the major leaders during this period, ¬Ibrahim na Kabara, Ali Musa, Saad b. Ahmad, Sharif Garba, Sidi Muhammad, and Muhammad Sidi wrote on Qadiriyya. The Reformed Qadiriyya move¬ment, associated with Sheikh Nasiru Kabara and Ahmad b. Ali, has not only pro¬duced its own literature but has revived an interest in the Jihad classics,” has introduced works on Qadiriyya from the Arab world,” and has inspired local Hausa “praise poets” “ to express themselves on brotherhood matters. Sheikh Nasir Kabara has written about 200 works in all.
The amount of systematic theology in the writings of Sheikh Nasir Kabara has been minimal; his primary purpose seems to be to relate the history and ele¬ments of the brotherhood in terms understandable to contemporary Kano society and to stimulate an identification with the saints of the brotherhood. The writings of Ahmad b. Ali cover many of these same topics. There is no specific praise of the Shaziliyya way, as distinct from Qadiriyya, and much of the literature contains poems that are sung at worship gatherings. Another Reformed Qadiriyya leader in Kano, Adamu na Ma’aji seems mainly concerned with chains of authority and conditions of initiation.”
The writings of brotherhood leaders such as Sheikh Nasiru Kabara and Ahmad b. Ali espouse the community and authority of Qadiriyya on two major grounds: affiliational (primarily on the basis of direct personal experience) and communal (primarily on the basis of loyalty to the nineteenth century Jihad tradition). Within the category of affiliational appeal, there have been five areas of doctrinal exposition: the origins and spread of Qadiriyya, the elements and requirements of Qadiriyya, the benefits and blessings for those who follow Qadiriyya, personal praise of the Qadiriyya saints, and general preaching.
With regard to the spread of Qadiriyy, Sheikh Nasiru Kabara describes in Al¬nafahat the Qadiriyya shaykhs in history and the distribution of Qadiriyya among the continents of the world.” In Naf’ al ‘ibad, he discusses the Qadiriyya caliphate throughout history. In Ithaf al khald’iq he presents the genealogy of the founder, shaykh‘Abd al Qadir, and a considerable amount of biographical data. He also mentions some of the successors of shaykh ‘Abd al Qadir in the contemporary world.
With regard to the requirements of Qadiriyya, Sheikh Nasir Kabara elaborates in Al nafahat the details and the nature of the brotherhood ceremonies.” In the Naf’ al ibad he describes the Qadiriyya daily voluntary prayers.” In the Ithaf al khala’iq he discusses the necessities and voluntary aspects of ablution, washing, tayammum (symbolic washing with dust), prayer, prostration, giving of alms, fasting, pilgrimage, and other Islamic rituals for those who follow Qadiriyya.

This piece is taken from the website of the Naqshbandiya Foundation for Islamic Education.

See on-line at: http://www.nfie.com/welcome/blog/2009/04/qadiriyya-in-nigeria.html

Chishti Nizami Habibi Soofie – Our Sufi Order

March 8, 2010

History

In the year 1895, Khwaja Habib Ali Shah (Rahmatullah alai), the great Sufi saint of the Chishti Nizami Order in India, sent his beloved disciple and spiritual successor, Shah Ghulam Muhammad Siddique (Rahmatullah alai), the humble descendant of Hazrath Abu Bakr Siddiq (Rahmatullah alai), to the Southern tip of Africa to propagate Islam in general and the Chishti Order in particular. It was a challenge to push forward the work of Islam and the silsilah in the British ruled country and to evolve an effective mechanism to deal with those associated with the order. Hazrath Soofie Saheb (Rahmatullah alai) not only rose to the occasion but in the short span of fifteen years the entire Southern Africa became studded with Khanqah’s of the Chishti order. The Khanqah of the founding Pir of the Nizami Chishti order, Khwaja Nizaam ad -din Awliya (Rahmatullah alai), by the side of the Jamuna river in India, whilst the first Khanqah of his beloved spiritual son stood by the side of the Umgeni river in Africa, with a magnificent view of the Indian ocean.

The subsequent eleven Khanqah’s established all stood in a serene, loving atmosphere, with a cool and refreshing breeze blowing, which aptly symbolized the order of Khwaja Muin ud din Chishti (Rahmatullah alai), the order of love, of the prince of love, which was to blow amidst the oppression and injustice. The Khanqah’s comprised of a Masjid, Madrassah, cemetery, orphanage, rehabilitation center, medical center, houses, courtyard, garden, fountains, wells and open kitchen. In each center, the yellow and red flag of the Chishti Nizami Habibi order was hoisted. The sandy yellow color on the flag symbolized humility whilst the red color symbolized ishqe haqiqi (true love), the two qualities which the Habibia order strives to imbibe into it’s disciples. The flag also indicated that a Khalifa of the order was present at the Khanqah and could be consulted.

 I feel it is important to mention here that  Mahatma Gandhi used to visit Hazrath for spiritual counseling whilst Hazrath received legal counseling from him. The trust deed of Soofie Saheb (Rahmatullah alai) bears the signature of his lawyer, Mahatma Gandhi, and this bears testimony to the fact. The various practices of the Chishti were introduced into each center; in order to mobilize the spirit in the quest for God.

The Habibia Soofie Khanqah in Pietermaritzburg (est.1909), was built on the banks of the Dorpspruit river, at that time an uninhabited area, where Soofie Saheb (Rahmatullah alai) had predicted the people would eventually live, was administered and controlled by the third son, Hazrath Haji Shah Abd al -Qadir Soofie (Rahmatullah alai). He continued in the footsteps of his father and became a father figure to the community who affectionately called him “Haji Saheb”.. He passed away on the 28 May 1940, and his young widow, Sayyida Khatoon Bibi Soofie (Rahmatullah alai), continued the spiritual practices and selfless service to humanity of the Chisti Habibia silsila. Bhabi Saheba (Rahmatullah alai) passed away on the 14 January 1991. The Khanqah is ably served today by her son,  , Hazrath Shah Ghulam Muhammad and her grandson Irshad, the son of of Hazrath Shah Ghulam Muhay ad-Din the son of Hazrath Shah Ghulam Muhay ad din WHO PASSED AWAY ON 18th Rabi al-Awwal 1429 (March 2008). It is an accepted fact today that the Habibia Soofie Aastana in Pietermaritzburg which comprises of a Jaame Masjid, Madrasah, pre-school, Islamic library, community hall and offering social welfare services, spiritual healing, counseling and spiritual guidance, is a thriving Khanqah of the Chishti Nizami Habibi order.

In conclusion, I pay tribute to all the present Khulafa, trustees and khadims (servants), of all the Soofie Saheb (Rahmatullah alai) Khanqah’s in Southern Africa. Every centre established by Hazrath (Rahmatullah alai) is continuously, selflessly serving humanity and even adversaries admit that the impressive buildings and well maintained Khanqah’s have become a landmark and a tribute to Islamic architecture in Southern Africa. The services of Hazrat Soofie Saheb (Rahmatullah alai) i.e. loving and serving all humanity regardless of caste, creed, nations, race or sex continue at his Khanqah’s unto the present day. His Mazaar Shareef at Riverside, Durban at the headquarters of The Spiritual Order, is a fountain of the nectar of love, that nourishes hearts up to the present day.

This piece is taken from the website of the Chisti Nizami Habibi Sufi Order.

See on-line at: http://www.sufi.co.za/Our%20Sufi%20Order.htm

Naqshbandi Muhammadi SA – An-Nissa: Ladies Programme

February 23, 2010

MISSION STATEMENT  

“EMPOWERING WOMEN THROUGH KNOWLEDGE  

AND SPIRITUALITY”  

1.         INTRODUCTION  

Through the ages women have been oppressed and made subservient in various spheres of life. Whether it is in the home, in marriage, in the workplace or in the community, the dominant male culture has ensured that women remain at a disadvantage. There is therefore a dire need to empower women and to raise their status to the level intended by Islam where they are treated with justice, honour and respect.  

One of the main reasons women have been stripped of their rights is a result of ignorance on both the sides of men and women. Hence knowledge in the very broad comprehensive sense of the word is imperative in empowering women and improving their status in society.  

To seek knowledge has been made incumbent on both men and women by the Quran in Sura Iqra. But seeking knowledge alone is not sufficient. As Muslims we are required to seek knowledge “In the Name of Allah”. We have been created to serve Allah and the key to servanthood is remembrance of Allah. Remembrance of Allah brings true honour to the servant and it is this honour we women should strive for. Knowledge and Remembrance of Allah should be perceived as two wings of a bird, with the bird symbolizing the empowerment of women. 

As a women’s organisation our primary objective will be to empower women through various educational programmes and through our dhikrs and khalkas (talks). Our educational programmes will address the various dimensions of the women from the physical to the emotional and spiritual, Insha Allah (God Willing).

2.         STRUCTURE

The organisation has a Board of Trustees who is a group of experienced people who have all played an important role in the upliftment of our community. This Board of Trustees will guide and advise the executive of the organization in their various endeavours.

The Board members are:

        ·         Professor Yusuf da Costa; 
        ·         Gasan Omar; 
        ·         Hajiera Bardien; 
        ·         Sumaya Petersen; and 
        ·         Galima da Costa. 

An-Nisa Executive members are:

        ·         Tanwean Kazee – Chairperson 
        ·         Faeeza Basardien – Administrator 

3.         ACTIVITIES  

One of our main activities is the weekly ladies dhikrs (remembrance of God). The dhikr takes place in the greater Cape Town, Boland and Mitchell’s Plain areas.  

After every dhikr a brief Khalka (talk) is held, dealing with our spiritual development. This will either take the form of reading from one of Mawlana Sheikh Nazim’s sohbets or a talk dealing with women’s issues or anything current in society.

3.1        TALKS  

To date An-Nisa has hosted the following talks:  

2003 

  • Cancer awareness hosted by the Hospice
  • Menopause
  • HIV/AIDS

2004 

  • HIV/AIDS hosed by positive Muslims
  • Women Awliyah by Mawlana Mukaddam

2005  

  • Angels – Mrs Minton
  • Reflexology
  • Happy Families, happy homes by Imam Moutie Saban
  • The role of women in society – Parenting Centre
  • Dhikrullah – Aunty Galima Adjouhar

 

2006

  • Pap Smears – Sister Zubeida Petersen
  • Conduct and behaviour of ladies in tariqah – Sh Yusuf
  • Elder Abuse – Pat Lindgren
  • Endometriosis – Sister Zubeida Petersen
  • Substance Abuse – Riedwaan Carelse
  • Self Esteem in women    

3.2        WORKSHOPS  
To date An-Nisa has hosted the following workshops: 

2003 

  • Muslim Personal Law                                        
  • Cancer Awareness
  • Teenage Pregnancy and Abortion (Cape Town and Paarl)

 

2004 

  • Follow-up on Muslim Personal Law

Other

  • A day of Pampering a relaxation for women

2005  

  • HIV/AIDS in conjunction with Positive Muslims
  • Cuppa for Cancer – Cancer Association

 

Other

  • Launch of the book “The Honour of Women in Islam” by Sh. Yusuf da Costa

 

2006 

  • Jewellery making for the youth – Zaida Agherdien
  • Elder Abuse – Action of Elder Abuse
  • HIV/AIDS for the youth – Positive Muslims
  • MPL in this country – Fordham Law School USA
  • Domestic Violence – Magistrate Feroza Sonday
  • Substance Abuse – Horizons Rehabilitation Centre

 

Other Activities 

  • An evening for the ladies with Shaykh Yusuf da Costa
  • Q & A on Tasawwuf (Sufism-Mystical path)

 

2007 

  • An-Nisa Planning workshop
  • Talk with the lady murids of Naqshbandi
  • medical topic – cervical cancer
  • Substance Abuse workshop for Youth
  • Substance Abuse workshop for Adults
  • Tasawwuf Workshop
  • Divorce & Rights in Marriage
  • Brief intro about workshop taking place on the 9th June
  • Workshop on Self awareness as a parent
  • HIV, Abortion & Teenage Pregnancy

2008 

  • Ladies dhikr followed by talk on Nafs
  • Q&A with Shaykh Yusuf da Costa
  • Workshop: Brain Gym with Fiona Salogee
  • Workshop: Anger Management & Conflict resolution
  • Ladies dhikr followed by talk on Deaf Awareness
  • Q&A with Dr Toffar, Muslim Personal Law, divorce and rights in marriage
  • Q&A with Mr Yusuf Hassen, Muslim Personal Law, Maintenance and alimony

 

2009 

  • Ladies dhikr followed by talk on Diabetes
  • Workshop: Alimony and Maintenance
  • Survey on SA Muslim Women: Sexuality, Marriage and Reproductive Choices by Nina Hoel, Department of Religious Studies UCT
  • Ladies dhikr followed by talk on Cervical Cancer
  • Radio interview :Voice of the Cape FM100.4 brief on Naqshbandi Order and An-Nisa
  • Ladies dhikr followed by talk on Mercy and Forgiveness of God Almighty
  • Workshop: Alimony and Maintenance (outreach programme Delft area)
  • Ramadan Khatmul Quran programme
  • Ladies dhikr followed by talk on Mental Health-Depression

 

3.3        HOW ARE THESE ACTIVITIES CO-ORDINATED?

Talks
The Administrator will co-ordinate the telephone numbers of all the venues where dhikrs will be taking place or wherever we have contacts on the day on which we have a speaker.  She will then forward the numbers to Telkom who will provide the link-up for the day.  In this situation, up to 300 ladies can be reached at a time.

Combined Dhikrs & Workshops 
The Chairperson in conjunction with the Administrator will arrange the combined dhikrs and workshops to be held.   They are both responsible to source guest speakers.

The Chairperson will co-ordinate and assign certain tasks to the volunteers (certain ladies) to assist with the necessary arrangements. The administrator is responsible for booking of the hall, media and flyers, arrange the transportation of ladies from poor areas and townships to attend the various forums. Disseminate information regarding dhikrs and workshops to the ladies on our data base. All other aspects of the workshop will be divided up amongst the members who will be responsible for that aspect of the workshop. At the end of the workshop a feedback questionnaire is handed out which will assist us in addressing issues that are important and what women want to know about.

Through our various activities we hope to empower women and in the words of our Shaykh, Mawlana Shaykh Nazim al Haqqani:

“O Allah make this, our endeavour, easy for us and grant us success in that which You love and which pleases You. Make us to be the followers of Your most Noble Shari’ah and Your Beloved and Chosen Prophet (S.A.W) Amin”

For further information on our activities or about the organisation in general, please contact Faeeza Basardien (O) +27 21 593 3348 or on

E-mail: secretary@naqshbandi.org.za
Contact details of Chairperson:

Tanwean Kazee

Home: +27 21 7972562 Cell: +27 83 293 4026

This piece is taken from the website of Naqshbandi Muhammadi SA

See on-line at: http://naqshbandi.org.za/content.aspx?contentId=16

Naqshbandi Muhammadi SA – Dhikrs

February 23, 2010

Naqshbandi in the Cape Townships:

In the history of South Africa, the political system of apartheid segregated people on the basis of race and ethnicity. In Cape Town, this greatly hampered the spread of Islam to the local African people.

The majority of Cape Town’s Muslims generally reside in the city’s suburbs, while most of the African population is housed in relative poverty in townships on the outskirts of Cape Town. At one time it was illegal to enter the townships. Today many people do not go there because of bad attitudes towards and fear of the “Blacks”.

In October 2000, the embers of Islamic spirituality in Cape Town were set ablaze by the maiden visit to the city by the great spiritual luminary, Mawlana Shaykh Muhammad Nazim Adil Al-Haqqani, the 40th Grandshaykh of the Naqshbandi Sufi Order. For three weeks, local mureeds of the great Shaykh reveled in his company, and before his departure, he instructed them to further the spread of Islam in the local African townships.

In 2003, one of the local Naqshbandi mureeds, Abdurrashied Davids, went to visit Mawlana Shaykh Nazim, who was instructed to spread the Naqshbandi Dhikr among the African population. On his return to Cape Town, Abdurrashied conveyed the directive to the Shaykh Yusuf da Costa who is the local khalifah of Mawlana Shaykh Nazim. At the beginning of 2004 the local Naqshbandi mureeds started a program of interaction with some of the Muslims in the local townships. The main intention was to bridge the gap between the broader Islamic community and the township community through the remembrance of ALLAH (SWT).

Every Sunday morning, some of the mureeds go to a different venue in the townships to do the Khatmul-Khawajagan Dhikr, after which lunch is served by the mureeds and all eat together. On Friday evenings, Muslims from the townships are transported by taxis to attend the group Khatmul Khawajagaan Dhikr in a suburban mosque. Local mureeds hold regular fundraising events to sponsor the taxis and food. As part of the 1424 Eid-al-Adha celebrations, a group of Mawlana Shaykh Nazim’s mureeds performed a Qurbani ceremony in the Delft Township and distributed the meat among the local residents.

The Naqshbandi ladies group, An-Nisa, also started offering classes to reverts in the townships at the request of the local community, teaching basic Islam to the township ladies. At one of the township “centres”, an educare was also started to assist the local ladies.

At the same time, the mureeds have started assisting in the upgrading of some of the dilapidated buildings used as Islamic “centres” in the townships. These venues provide a place to pray, teach, eat and make dhikr. This upgrading included the construction of proper ablution facilities, enabling men and women to have access to proper water facilities.

Alhamdu lillah, from these humble beginnings, the first fruits were borne when one of the local township imams, Imam Yusuf, as well as some ladies, took bay’ah into the Naqshbandi Tariqah. Two weeks later, a township man reverted to Islam after the weekly Khatmul Khawajagan Dhikr at the Pelican Park Masjid. The week after more young people came forward to recite the Kalimatush-Shahadah, and to become mureeds.

Due to the existing poverty, it also became necessary to economically empower township Muslims. In this regard, empowerment projects were initiated; with the assistance of the South African National Zakah Fund. Sewing and wood-working activities were kick-started. A sponsor was also found to fund the Islamic education of four young township Muslims. It is intended that these young adults would become future leaders of the township communities.

This piece is taken from the website of Naqshbandi Muhammadi SA.

See on-line at: http://naqshbandi.org.za/content.aspx?contentId=2

Naqshbandi Muhammadi SA – Organisation Profile

February 23, 2010

Tasawwuf has to do with the changing of hearts. This means that all our work, the way we structure that work and the direction we take that work have to do with this
process of changing. We have to work, as we go along, to bring about in ourselves and in others the realization that Islam has primarily to do with the purification of the
self within the bounds of the Sacred Religious Law (the Shari’ah). This means that our work has to involve the strict obedience of this Law, and what this Law provides
for the changing of hearts. Obedience of the Shari’ah must be the must important principle in terms of which we function, and in terms of which we should encourage
others to function. And in feeling responsible to Allah Almighty for all we do, we should dread to want to deviate from this principle, and we should dread to want to
make others deviate from this principle.

The path (the tariqah) that we walk within the Shari’ah to change hearts should only be determined by that Shari’ah. This means that all our religious practices and all our
teachings and statements should have clear and unambiguous sources in the Qur’an and the Prophetic Practice. There should be the commitment in all our work to the
sum total of what Allah Almighty had revealed through His Most Honoured Messenger (s.a.w.s.). The commitment to this kind of path finds best expression in the
Naqshbandi Sufi Order under the leadership of Mawlana Shaykh Nazim al-Haqqani. This means that our work has to be strictly in terms of the religious expression found
in this Order, and the religious explanation provided by Mawlana Shaykh Nazim al-Haqqani.

With this understanding, our commitment as the South African chapter of the above Order is to:

(a) take the perspective of Islam as expressed by the Order to all sections of the population in this country;

(b) spread the Naqshbandi congregational dhikr as taught by Mawlana Shaykh Nazim al-Haqqani;

(c) encourage the qualities of Islamic brotherhood, mutual consultation (shura), honesty, sincerity, truthfulness, generosity, humility, openness, respect for the
pious, dependence on Allah Almighty, fairness, and goodness, and in the process discourage individual decision making, pride, animosity, boasting, dishonesty,
rancour, lying, unfairness, favouritism, pomp, hypocrisy, envy, conceit, niggardliness, anger and nepotism;

(d) spread within our structures the understanding that we are all murids of Mawlana Shaykh Nazim al-Haqqani with no one, in our estimation, better or higher or more important than the other;

(e) encourage each other in acts of piety and in striving for the highest possible spiritual goals under the guidance of Mawlana Shaykh Nazim al-Haqqani;

(f) discourage within our structures any activities which stress individual social importance and achievement; and

(g) participate in other social movements that have similar aims or that are of a distinctly Mainstream Islamic character.

We appeal to Allah Almighty for guidance in all these matters, and we depend on Him for our success in walking a path of intense spirituality for His sake. We supplicate to Him, appealing for repentance if we had overstepped the bounds set by Him.

And Allah Almighty knows best.

This piece is taken from the website of Naqshbandi Muhammadi SA.

See on-line at: http://naqshbandi.org.za/content.aspx?contentId=3


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